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 Ta Moko
Tattooing
Tattooing is an art form extremely common amongst Māori.
Origins
Māori belief has it that Mataora was responsible
for bringing Moko (tattoo) to the world. It is held that
Mataora journeyed to Rarohenga on a quest to win back the heart of his beloved
wife, Niwareka, and in doing so received the Moko from his father in-law,
Uetonga.
As a result of that he also learnt how to apply Moko - or Ta-Moko.
This story not only tells us that Mataora brought Moko back to us,
but more importantly, it points us to the sacred or godly origins of Moko. That
mantle of course, by virtue of genealogy, lies with Ruaumoko, the last unborn
child of Rangi and Papa who, still dwelling within the belly of his mother,
presides over earthquakes and volcanic activity. Hense his name - Ruaumoko
or
The Trembling Current That Scars The Earth.
By this account, we see that our ancestors, through the simple observation of
the natural phenomena of earthquakes, albeit rather destructive, saw that this
deified (made godly) ancestor, Ruaumoko, was responsible for the deep uneven grooves left
within the surface terrain of their primal parent, Papa-tuanuku. In short, they
witnessed, a natural form of Moko. Not only that but it gives a relative
indicator as to the time frame of Moko origins. So much so that considering the
time frame of Ruaumoko as somewhere near the time of earths creation, the
optimist could theorise that Moko has been around and developing since then.
It is also interesting that early sources also say that upon the return of
Mataora and Niwareka to Te Aoturoa, that Niwareka's moko included simply 2
markings on her forehead and her cheeks. In fact it states that it wasn't until
some time later that the first actual Moko lips were applied upon a woman called
Ruhiruhi, during either the period or the reign of Tiwhana-a-rangi.
Additionally, it also states that it wasn't until well into the Māori occupancy
of Aotearoa that the first "Pu-Kauwae" or chin Moko was applied. So
this, if accepted, clearly refutes the post-European or modern opinion that chin
Moko was the only woman's moko. It also clearly indicates that Moko, like the
culture from which it is derived, was never static. It was dynamic and adapted to
changes and progressions of the time.
Every Moko,
contain ancestral/tribal messages that pertain to the wearer. These messages
narrate a wearer's family, sub-tribal and tribal affiliations and their placing
within these social structures. In terms of the wearer's "placing", a
message would basically contain the wearers "value" by way of their
genealogy, perhaps their knowledge or expertise and their participation within
each social level.
Inherit or Credit
There is a main thread in Moko that details whether a
person received status based upon purity of blood lines or quality of
participation. This is either by virtue of inheritance or accreditation. For
example; An ariki (chief) is an ariki, solely by virtue of aristocratic genealogy. This
title is his/her birthright and cannot be removed from them.
However, a
rangatira (tribal leader) is made such by either the whānau, hapū or iwi, through the quality of
their personal participation. The position is accredited so could be removed by
the power of the whānau, hapū and iwi... or ariki. These markings of birthright
or qualification are prominent throughout moko.
Genealogy
Many Māori were born into and lived within the hapū "small group/village" structure.
The genealogical markings made
broadcasts of that fact. This particular information was more important to these
specific levels alone, and only relevant to any higher groups like Iwi, if the
genealogical lines warranted such attention.
So, in terms of participation, if a
wearer, was to bear some authority over any such hapū matters, the markings
would symbolize whether this was through bloodlines or through qualification.
This was fundamental in the conceptual and practical rituals of encounter. As it
is still recognised, the utmost respect was afforded to those with senior
birthrights and so forth beneath them, so any diversion from that was regarded
as insult and could easily end in fatalities or worse yet, generations of
unresolved feuding. So Moko, for this practical sense, became a tool by which a
hierarchical custom could be observed and maintained.
Qualification
Māori oral history highlights the immense value that early Māori society placed on any form of higher learning or understanding because
knowledge was a godly given gift, sought after by Tane-tiki-wananga. So
traditional society saw this attained skill as warranting recognition by way of
Moko markings. The pursuit of knowledge became a focal activity for many people
of those times, therefore it was by virtue of skills and levels of knowledge
attained that markings were placed within a Moko.
Again, as oral history tells, there was the knowledge of everyday matters as
well as the understanding of matters beyond common grasp so these in themselves
were separate institutions of learning. Again, recognition was afforded to such
learning or qualification and in terms of participation, if a wearer, was to
bear some authority over any such hapū orientated skills, as in being an
authority to speak or to teach, the markings to symbolize their progression,
growth and rankings were apparent.
Participation
Moko portrayed information pertaining to an individual wearer.
Usually that information registered the type of participation that the wearer
took within their respective groups. As mentioned previously, there were
markings that symbolized whether an expert in knowledge of the occult, for
example, was either an authority or perhaps a teacher on the matter.
These
markings showed the extent of their participation in hapū/iwi affairs. An example was an activity that became
prevalent within Māori society, warfare. Moko portrayed the appropriate
markings that relayed pertinent information relating to an individual's prowess
in this area.
What command the wearer reached. Were they simply bearers of
weapons or were they commanders and leaders of battalions? All these had the
markings in Moko. This was their individual participation within whānau, hapū or
iwi activity.
 How To Read the Markings
The preceding information can be easily
acquired from written resources, however, in most cases, the fact remains that it is
difficult - if not near impossible - to actually read these markings!
The meaning of a single or common Moko symbol does not uniformly
apply across all tribes or sub-tribes so it is difficult, from that perspective,
to have a comprehensive understanding.
It is said that in order to read a Moko, one needs to be looking with a holistic
mind as opposed to two eyes. One needs to take in every single part of a Moko,
like a face, in order to make a start in understand what the messages are. One
needs even to not only look at what is there, but to also carefully look at
what is not there.
This reinforces the common understanding that Moko is not purely art, but is
primarily, when applied to the wearer, information about that person. Yet in
these modern times, sadly the information about Moko
symbolism, the directions, the instructions about how to read them is not great.
Due to the passage of time, there is no longer an abundance of human resource with that particular
knowledge and instruction.
There is also the fact that Māori art and its
symbolisms are largely suggestive, also very ambiguous to a degree and
frought with many tribal and sub-tribal variations.
Moko Designs
Moko designs and symbolism, like the other art forms and the culture it
was born from, was never static. It is a dynamic form of expression that evolved
in constant development, adapting to the changes in lifestyle. Validating its
existence. It should be noted that over the last 200
years, there are Māori designs that have withstood the colonial
process, and the speed by which the culture has changed.
 Koru
One such design is the koru. However, when you closely inspect the
developments of the last 60-100 years you will find too that the koru has
undergone various changes. From those developments the koru grew an eye, a
head, neck, body and tail. It was given by virtue of symbolism, human
characteristics that, in turn, gave artists a license to design and use koru which
could represent actual ancestral figures. You will note too that Koru is the
single most used element in Moko. Even to the extent where what initially looks
like a spiral, is actually double or triple grouped lines that spiral inward
into a single koru. This grouping of spiraling lines, albeit of a circular
nature, merely creates a spiral illusion, but is in fact, right in the centre, a
koru. A Māori proverb says:
"Ka hinga atu he tete-kura - ka hara-mai he tete-kura"
Translated this means, "As one fern frond (person) dies - one is born to
take it's place".
 This proverb explains that the primary meaning of the koru is
"birth," "re-growth" and "re-generation." It is an
analogy of what Koru can represent. Coupled with the human characteristics, as
previously explained, we can see that as one supports the other, it is safe to
assume that koru represents or personifies actual ancestors. With this in mind
we can also assume that single Koru with secondary protrusions growing from it
symbolises, by the above definition, the natural phenomena of parenthood, of
whakapapa (ancestry/genealogy).
It also symbolises sustainability. "Taonga Tuku Iho" (lit. treasures
allowed down). The
passing of life, information and resources from one generation to the next.
Examples Earlier on, the concept of inheritance and accreditation was explained,
and said to have a fundamental part within Moko symbolism. So it is without
surprise that a koru with secondary protrusion, will represent an inheritance
through a bloodline.
 For double headed Koru, known as Mango Pare, most Māori artists will tell you
that this design pertains to the warrior. This double headed "analogy"
takes its form from the Hammerhead Shark. A symbol of strength and ferocity that
best fits the warrior and the attitude required to be successful in that
occupation. It is no wonder that Koru, with such comprehensive and important
meanings, should dominate Moko.
Haehae Lines
When you look at a facial Moko, whether the Mataora or
Mata-kiore type, the one dominating component, other than koru, is the lines.
These are prominent around the mouth, on the lips, up the forehead and on those
deceiving cheek "spirals." Even the filling of positive areas
comprises of lines, whether they be the hatch rec-linear or "ladder"
type, the semi-curvlinear or "ray" type or even the more contemporary
notched "chevron" type. Each line or group of lines is a component of
a larger picture and a larger story. In this instance they have been known to
refer to battles attended, perhaps chiefs slain or even wounds received. Which
suggests that to a certain degree and even at certain instances, it is the
actual number of lines that tells the story.
The filling on the body differ from those on the face. For
instance the short "ladder" type is most prominent on the legs as
opposed to the "ray" which dominates certain facial and body areas.
Positive & Negative Space
Another "common" element of single
dimension Māori art is the positive and negative components. The positive and
negative space. It is very prominent in Moko, with each component being as vital
to the story as the other. This positive and negative characteristic has roots
implanted within the belief and hierarchical systems of traditional Māori society. A Māori proverb says:
"Ma whero, ma pango - ka oti ai"
Translated this means, "By the unity of reds (chiefs) and blacks
(villagers) will the work be done"
This proverb conveys the communal environment and concept that a person was
born from and into. It communicates that their lives are dictated by that
system. That the individual was part of a more powerful, more unified, more
structured and more supportive social network. They were part of a team.
Placement
Placement too, is such an important part of the whole Moko picture,
yet it often gets overlooked. With Moko being very much part and parcel of whakairo
(carving), experienced carvers will tell anyone that
placement in their discipline, of house or canoe building, is often a crucial
element of the whole process. It is a fundamental element of the
"Kaupapa", the theme or story telling that occurs in house or canoe
building. So it is, in Moko.
With regard to placement of the woman's chin Moko. We know that it
sits upon the lower part of the mouth. We also note that it was more customary
for this Moko to be applied when the "child" reached puberty or there
approximately. Amongst various other things this signified 2 main things:
- That the child/woman had reached womanhood or a stage in her life where
she was ready to marry or more importantly, bear children.
- She now commanded certain speaking rights having naturally acquired a value
of participation in her whānau and hapū.
Note that it is the placement around the mouth that gives indication
of her "speaking rights."
Moko on other parts of the body were also relative to
their placement, meaning that the full leg and buttock Moko, known commonly as
"Puhoro" and/or "Taurapa", had messages relative to
transport and movement. Take a look at their names:
- Puhoro = Quick, fast to move or abundant speed.
It is also the name for a
scroll pattern adorning the rafers of a house and the bow of a canoe. In
addition to this the origin of the design comes from the pattern that both,
canoe paddles working through water leaves, as well as the wake pattern left by
the canoe as it travels.
So in a sense, there is a puhoro at the front, down the
sides and at the back.
- Taurapa = The stern post of a canoe.
If you see some definite links between
both names and their respective explanations, it is no coincidence! It was made
and thought of, that way.
Moko on the arms, known as "Tuhonohono" and "Tatahau"
contained message relative to occupational activity. Tatahau have oral referals
as having common ties with the puhoro pattern, so also has a relationship
through the canoe history's and activities.
Moko Chisels
Materials
Tattoo enthusiasts will be familiar with the Samoan
tattooing tool, the "auau." This tool is made from pig tusk and
tortoise shell. The chisel end is serrated which when tapped pricks the skin
carrying pigment into it.
The traditional Māori, pre-european, tattooing chisel, or "uhi" was
similar but rather than pig tusks was made from either greenstone or various
animal bones. The preferable bone material being from the albatross. Traditional Māori discovered that the albatross bone had a porous property which meant that
it absorbed pigment, enabling the artist to work a longer line. Most tattooists,
even today, have the same common desire to find a method by which they can
achieve a longer line without having to re-load with pigment.
Types
Some uhi were serrated and because of this were used primarily
to carry pigment into the initial wound. These were the second chisels used in
the process. However some of the finer uhi were straight edged, much like a
"knife." This chisel was the first used in the Ta Moko application
process that caused the deep grooves as if the skin had been gouged like wood.
Most uhi chisels, had a male dove-tail style end which was an insert into the
end of a 10"-12" handle. They often had a hole drilled into it which
was used for lashing so the chisel would be held firmly within the handle.
Once bound into place the chisel was dipped into pigment and with a second
mallet type stick was tapped into the skin carrying with it the pigment.
Pigment
Pigment was made from various vegetation like Kauri Gum or Kapara and Mutara, a
caterpillar which mutates into a vegetable found on the floor of most native
forests. As well as vegetable based pigments there was also a pigment made from
dog faeces.
As normal all natural materials were turned to carbon by way of firing,
ground to a fine dust then mixed with a carrying agent which was normally water
to a fine fluid.
Mokos Today
It is not so surprising that people with any interest in
bodyart hold a fascination with Moko. "Pakeha" (Non- Māori), in
particular, have been fascinated in Moko and "tatau" since they first
ventured into the wide open expanse of Te-Moana-nui-a-Kiwa, or the Pacific Ocean.
Since those early journeys of the white man, of the Pakeha, they have held a
desire to wear and know the beauty and mystery of Moko. So, their interest in
Moko didn't just develop since the much publicised Moko of international pop
star Robbie Williams (see above). No - that interest has been around since the mid 1700's.
Now, since the recent emergence of the modern Moko
renaissance, since the Robbie Williams arm, many Pakeha have clearly shown that
their interest, their fascination and desire has not gone away. In fact more and
more, the Māori websites and Māori topic Message Boards are being bombarded with
tides of enquiries and requests regarding Moko information. In summary, the
most common, the most underlying question amongst the many has to be, "can
I, as a Pakeha, get a Moko?"
For many modern Pakeha, especially those
resident in New Zealand, the overwhelming Māori response to that question has
been - NO!!! Yet there are positive and negative arguments for and against that
response which surprisingly exists equally on both the Pakeha and Māori sides of
the debate.
To get a fairer picture of the situation lets first take a step back,
consider the following statement in the section about Moko
Messages, above: "... Moko contains ancestral/tribal messages
that pertain to the wearer. These messages narrate a wearer's family, sub-tribal
and tribal affiliations and their placing within these social structures ".
Yet, as already explained, Pakeha evidently wore Moko! In fact they
didn't just wear armbands or small things, they wore full body and facial Moko.
Why then, considering all this recorded evidence, is there still an
overwhelmingly negative response, from Māori, when Pakeha enquire if they can
wear Moko? Consider this:
- Māori are weary of the possibility that
some other unassociated person could be wearing what is through birthrights, not
theirs to wear. Additionally, no individual wants to be threatened by some complete
stranger purely because, unbeknownst to them, they are wearing someone else's
markings. That same possibility exists for Pakeha, desirous to wear Moko.
Especially with them not having any genealogical or affiliate ties to either the
owners or the symbols.
- On a similar note, Māori will generally question
wearers of whether they are aware of the symbolic knowledge pertaining to their
Moko. There is generally doubt as to whether this knowledge exists within the
wearer so it is likely that this doubt would increase with regard to Pakeha
wearers.
- Another similar note and a very sensitive point is, Māori in
general feel that Pakeha have already exploited too much of Māori symbols and
indigenous rights. They see too much of this exploitation, for even now as you
read, Māori intellectual property is being exploited. So because Māori are very
clear that the demise and exploitation starts from Pakeha culture they are
obviously very protective of what is left.
Yet as has already been stated, there is much for and against these reasons
for pakeha not wearing moko.
"The Moko is by no means a fashion accessory."
Pouroto Ngaropo.
"You should be happy to have a tribute to your country and your
people"
spokesperson for fashion designer Thierry Mugler.
From Once Were Warriors to once was in a boy band:
- Robbie Williams has
recently had a Māori design tattooed on his arm;
- Hans Neleman’s photo-essay
Moko – Māori Tattoo, documenting ta moko has been shown at the Holland
Festival, received glowing reviews in graphic design-bible Graphis, and been
spotlighted at "bookshop to the stars" Book Soup on Sunset Boulevard;
-
soccer demi-god Eric Cantona appeared on the cover of British style mag GQ
face-painted with a moko;
- Designer Thierry Mugler used masks inspired by moko to
launch his spring/summer collection;
- an ad for Poloroid cameras features an
archetypal boyfriend-your-parents-were- afraid-of adorned with an imitation
moko;
- explored in National Geographic;
- Discovery Channel features moko in its
'Human Canvas' special;
- Paco Rabanne's Spring 1998 collection featured two
models wearing metal outfits echoing the stylised moko of the film Once Were
Warriors;
- you might want to add the Adidas All Black haka commercial winning ad
of the year in Italy;
- the Spice Girls’ ill-advised attempt at performing a
haka; and
- The Washington Post's and USA Today’s highlighting of the Māori Culture
website in their recent web highlights section.
What this survey of the impact of ta moko and Māori culture on world media
demonstrates is that Māori designs are hot; and that Māori culture is achieving
strong currency beyond the shores of Aotearoa. For moko to be
classified as ‘fashionable’ or ‘hot’ raises difficult and complex
questions concerning racial politics, diplomacy, emotions and export. It
concerns globalisation, postcolonialism, the history, and the future of an edge
society.
The liberal view, a sort of a post-modern global village aesthetic, sees the
exposure, when done sensitively, as positive - promoting a specifically Māori/New Zealand cultural and economic edge onto the world stage. Taking
the Māori to the world. Māori traditionalists, on the other hand, concerned about
ownership of intellectual property, are insulted at having their iconography
plundered, especially topped off with lavish plummed headresses and incongruous
haute couture in a show of unwearable catwalk silliness.
Former Te Tai Hauauru MP Tukoroirangi Morgan (ironically no stranger to
high-fashion consumption himself) took offence at the inspiration French fashion
designers have found in moko "The French are just rude and ignorant and
they come as no surprise given the history of French and Polynesian people", he said, linking nuclear tests with "treading on our
traditional ta moko". A spokesman for Thierry Mugler said the designer
thinks Māori "should be happy to have a tribute to your country and your
people". Victoria University Māori studies head Ngahuia Te Awekotuku,
explains it as an offshoot of a mix and match consumer culture, postulating that
bored people in the northern hemisphere were increasingly turning to indigenous
symbols and cultural property to enhance their lives. "By taking our arts
they claim to celebrate our genius. I assume we are supposed to feel
flattered". Claiming that the appropriation of the designs displayed
insensitivity and lack of understanding of Māori culture and the moko's
significance, Tangata Records head and Māori MP, Willie Jackson: "Who is
this dude Rabanne? I'm just getting tired of it. People with no understanding
using bits of our culture as it suits them without having any knowledge of
us".
However current Maori MP John Tamihere says the idea of European designers
taking Maori culture to the world stage was wonderful and "not an
insensitive act at all". In his maiden speech to parliament Tamihere urged Māori and New Zealand to take advantage of a cluttered global village and the
knowledge revolution to stake our point of difference and assert the product
marketing and branding strength of Māori culture. Tamihere locates Māori culture
as an integral part of edge identity, asserting that Pacific design, definition
and points of differentiation will ensure that Kiwi "... goods, services
and products are highly priced, niche marketed, value added and highly sought
after … this is all about releasing potential and we must acknowledge that the
world-wide indigenous shares are sky rocketing. Take advantage of this as a
nation." This is a vision with resonance, there is nothing like the diverse variety of colour, tradition, and
sheer life of a Pacific edge New Zealand to build on the fleeting, but binding
and intense pride evoked by the All Blacks' Haka.
There are instances of appropriation where edges are blurred: Robbie Williams’
tattoo was done by a Māori artist, Te Rangitu Netana; the All Blacks' Haka, in the
adidas commercial (see above) is a performance that briefly infuses a nation
with a bi-cultural buzz. Maybe Eric Cantona can be forgiven because he is …
well, Eric Cantona, even if Eva Rickard didn’t feel she had earned the mana
(respect and authority) to wear the genuine article until a year before her
death. But other examples, such as the Spice Girls naïve performance of the
Haka are more obviously insulting to Māori.
The current global profile surrounding ta moko is a by-product of a Māori
cultural renaissance in general, embracing the arts, land rights and indigenous
spirituality. Since the 1980s, the ancient art of ta moko, almost lost as Pakeha
missionaries and colonial governments frowned upon the practice, has being
undergoing a rebirth, using modern machines as well as the bone chisel. Today,
preserved through oral history, historical research, the paintings of European
artists such as Lindauer and Charles Goldie, the practice lives in its various
forms on hundreds of people, men and women of all ages and walks of life, from
corporates to high-school kids to grandmothers. For most it is a way of
"demanding identity" and connecting them to tribal affiliations and
family lines. A cultural and political statement: a way of wearing culture on
your face in the same way as a members of different tribes wear a kilt or a hemp
suit on their body.
Pouroto Ngaropo explains his moko:
"Not everyone can wear one. I had to get permission from the elders in
my clan. And I prayed to my ancestral spirits to grant me the strength to wear a
Moko. Every moko is unique to the wearer. In my case every line tells a story.
My moko reflects 480 years of my ancestral line. The four lines drawn from my
nose symbolise the four canoes that came to Aotearoa. The two circles on the
sides depict my father's and mother's family histories. The lines connect me
with my clans, tribal dwellings, canoes and tribes, to the knowledge of nature
and to the eternal significance of our culture."
The use of the designs raise questions of intellectual property and, as
Tamihere is right to highlight, control over profit from the property. Perhaps
an example of how the issues of ta moko can be handled in a sensitive manner is
respected New York-based Dutch photographer Hans Neleman's photo-essay, Moko - Māori Tattoo. The book has received widespread exhibition and acclaim, including
the Image Bank Award For Visual Excellence, and the project was internationally
sponsored by Eastman Kodak; Duggal Labs, Hasselblad, Sinar, and Bron Elektronik
AG in Switzerland, as well as a considerable amount of Neleman’s own resource.
Neleman photographed 60 Māori with full-face moko, divided into three sections,
gang-related tattoo, traditional ta moko, and the rastafarian interpretation of
ta moko. The book recieved international attention - Design journal Graphis :
"The book’s 72 portraits form a compelling, haunting, vulnerable,
frightened, beautiful, defiant mix."
"I wanted to take pictures of proud people," says Neleman. "It
was a conscious decision not to make trite images, not to create images that
could in any way hurt them." Neleman had been intrigued by Inia Taylor's
stylised facial tattoos in the film Once Were Warriors and after being invited
to New Zealand to lecture, decided to try to photograph ta moko. After two years
of research in close consultation with Pita Turei, and Tame Iti, among others,
and through initial resistance, huis (meetings) and other difficulties,
including travelling for two days to find one subject, he completed the project
in 1999.
Taylor explains a Māori point of view:
"Westerners come along with this attitude: ‘why don’t you want to
show this to us? We can make a beautiful book!’ And we’re sitting back
thinking: whoopdee-f**king-do, we don’t want to sit on anybody’s coffee
table! We want to keep our culture to ourselves".
The book was dedicated to the repatriation (return to its home country) of mokomokai (the severed tattooed
heads kept in museums such as New York’s Museum of Natural History) and
Neleman decided that all profits from the book would be donated to benefit Māori
ta moko.
"Ta moko exposes more than the revival of a tradition- it reveals the
beauty of Māori past and the promise of Māori future."
Certainly, for whatever motivation, commercial or curious, exotic or
empathetic, the world is interested in ta moko. Its profile raises complex
cultural issues, about ta moko and the wider place of Māori culture ‘on the
edge’. As Neleman demonstrates there are ways to negotiate these issues
sensitively (though even Moko - Māori Tattoo has left a mixed aftertaste). As
John Tamihere points out Māori culture constitutes a distinctive part of the
New Zealand ‘edge’
identity. Tamihere takes the stance that it is the
challenge of the Māori to:
"grab the tiller and fashion the good ship New Zealand and ride as we
know our gene pool can do through the vagaries of the uncharted, unmapped and
unknown global impacts. Let the good ship New Zealand be the ship that embraces
change, that tolerates diversity, that defeats adversity."
Or instead Māori could agree with Inia Taylor, asserting their cultural privacy.
What
the leaking, taking, giving of the ta moko on the world stage signifies is an
interest in an important part of edge culture. How the dialogue between the edge
and centre is negotiated and the questions it evokes are important ones. Whether
etched in place as symbol of mana or ephemerally painted on a model’s face on
a catwalk, what becomes of the kaupapa/meaning of the moko is an edge challenge:
"No one has a monopoly on our unending story of nationhood;
no one has
the manual for our nationhood."
John Tamihere.
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